The Invention of the Passport: Surveillance, Citizenship and the State ( Cambridge Studies in Law and Society) [John Torpey] on *FREE* shipping. Daniel Nordman THE INVENTION OF THE PASSPORT Surveillance, Citizenship and the State John Torpey University of California, Irvine □H CAMBRIDGE. The Invention of the Passport: Surveillance, Citizenship and the State. Front Cover · John Torpey, Professor of Sociology John Torpey. Cambridge University .

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It examines how the concept of citizenship has been used pasport delineate rights and penalties regarding property, liberty, taxes and welfare. Whatever its origins, the habit of viewing freedom of movement as contributing to both liberty and prosperity is a recurrent motif in subsequent discussions of passport restrictions, and a figure of thought that gathered strength with the pawsport prospects of economic liberalism in nineteenth-century Europe.

Accordingly, the Constituent Assembly only three days later decreed that it was necessary to uphold the right to “free circulation of persons and things,” at least up to a distance of ten limes from the bor- der, and that all the administrative, municipal, and military authorities should cooperate to guarantee such freedom. Surely the metaphor of “embrace” helps make better sense of a world of states that are understood to consist of mutually exclusive bodies of citizens whose movements may be restricted as such.

Invntion ‘. In a sense, Foucault only drew ;assport logical consequences from Weber’s persistent fears about the jugger- naut of bureaucratic rationalization. Passports and Chinese exclusion.

John Torpey. The Invention of the Passport; Surveillance, Citizenship and the State

The point here is obviously not that there is no unauthorized international migration, but rather that such movement is specifically “illegal”; that is, we speak of “illegal” often, indeed, of “undocumented” migration as a result of states’ monopolization of the legitimate means of movement. Indeed, this sort of popular usurpation of the “legitimate means of movement” is typical of situations in which states are being revolutionized or have disintegrated.

Michel Foucault extrapolated these basic insights into a nightmarish, dystopic, even absurd vision of modern society as a “carceral” world pervaded by “gentle” means of discipline and control carried out under and through the watchful eye of the “individualizing gaze.

Rather than merely suggesting the way institutions shape our everyday world, the “new institutionalism” passpotr our attention to the “institutional constitution of both interests and actors.

The activities classically associated with the rise of modern states only became possible on a systematic basis if states were in a position successfully to embrace their populations for purposes of carrying out those activities. They were thus very valuable documents that people were prepared to lie about in order to get. Most analyses of state formation heretofore have focused on the capacity of states to penetrate societies, without explicitly telling us how they effect this penetration.

Not wanting to appear guilty of mere cupidity, however, they are likely to say that they regard the regulation of movement as the proper province of the state – and so it is. I am grate- ful to Phillipa McGuinness and Sharon Mullins at Cambridge University Press for their enthusiasm about the project, forpey for holding the door open just a little longer than they thr have liked.

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The “Act for the better Reliefe of the Poore of this Kingdom” of 1 s8 empow- ered the local authorities to remove to their place of legal settlement anyone “likely to be chargeable to the parish” – or, to put it in terms that gorpey later become familiar in Teh immigration legislation, anyone “likely to become a public charge.

Frontier garrisons prepared for invasion. Not without reason, the revolutionary leadership regarded the emigres – as potential enemies of the revolution in league with the King, reactionary priests and nobles, and foreign powers – as a profound threat to its survival. The departmentalization of France passoprt designed to achieve the aim laid out by Sieyes in September Under mercantilism, the foreigner, although otherwise treated like the subject in legal terms, typically enjoyed greater freedom to emigrate than native- born subjects.

Such certificates could be denied invenntion persons revealing a liking for foreigners or foreign customs. It was during this period that the Gironde rose to prominence under the leadership of Brissot, Vergniaud, and others, and “leftist” measures found increasing resonance in the Legislative Assembly.

These petty restrictions were not too much to ask of true defenders of the greater liberties won by the revolution. The nationalization of immigration restriction in the United States. An edict of required anyone moving from one town or village to another to have in his or less likely her possession a pass from his superiors. When it did so, the matter of controls on movement occupied a central place in its deliberations.

The stage had already been set for a backlash against free movement during the previous months. While it may be difficult for states to control movement outside their own borders, this has scarcely kept them from trying to implement such controls, and they may be able to do so effectively mainly because of their capacity pssport distribute rewards and punishments at home when the traveler returns. The spread of identification documents such as passports was crucial to states’ monopolization of the legitimate means of movement.

On 6 Fructidor Year II 23 Augustthe Convention decreed that passports in the depart- ment of Paris would be issued by the comite civil without any longer having to be referred to the general assembly of the section, and would be visaed by the revolutionary committee of the arrondissement.

Then, the very first concrete “natural and civil right” guaranteed by the Constitution of Septemberwas that of the freedom “to move about, to remain, [and] to leave. Accordingly, these rulers had a powerful interest in identifying and controlling the movements of their subjects.

A notion of “foreignness” underlay this attitude, but it was not the same as that yorpey version that reflects the rivalries of narcissistic nation-states.

John Torpey

While I had the good fortune to enjoy an extended colloquy with Robert Wohl in the context of a National Endowment for the Humanities-sponsored seminar on intel- lectuals and politics during the summer of when the idea for this study was first formulated, the others simply responded to an unsolicited query from a young scholar unknown to them.

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Passports and Constraints on Movement from the Interwar to the Postwar Era The emergence of the international refugee regime in the early interwar period Passports, identity papers, and the Nazi persecution of the Jews Loosening up: More specifically, pre- cisely how is the nexus between states, subjects, and potential interlopers generated and sustained? Such devices as identity papers, censuses, and travel certificates thus were not merely on a par with conscription and taxation as elements of state- building, but were in fact essential to their successful realization and 14 COMING AND GOING grew, over time, superordinate to them as tools of administration that made these other activities possible or at least enforceable.

Eager to advance Russia’s standing among the Continental powers, Peter’s modernizing reforms arose primarily from a desire to improve the country’s military capabilities.

Gradually, compe- tition among states set in motion processes of centralization that resulted in a winnowing of the number of competitors, such that only those states capable of mobilizing sufficient military and economic resources survived.

The for- eign minister was accused of having furnished the passports under assumed names, and thus of collaborating in the King’s escape attempt. Backing Thuriot’s pro- posal, Vergniaud noted that the essential point was to be able to distinguish between those who wanted “to leave the realm” and those who wanted “to abandon the patrie” – that is, the purpose of these measures was not to restrict emigration, but to be able to make ideolog- ical distinctions among those leaving.

John Torpey : The invention of the passport. Surveillance, Citizenship and the State

In February, the departure of the King’s aunts had caused a furor in the radical press and given rise to stillborn efforts of the Constituent Assembly to stiffen emigration controls. From the point of view of states’ interests in keeping track of populations and their movements, people are little but “stigmata,” appropriately processed for administrative use.

This change had been urged by Delacroix, who insisted that this power be removed from the hands of the ministers who, in his view, were issuing the passports with which the emigres were slipping off to Coblenz to join the enemies of the revolution.

Yet because nation-states are both territorial and membership organizations, they must erect and sus- tain boundaries between nationals and non-nationals both at their physical borders and among people within those borders.

The invention of the passport: In Intellectuals, Socialism, and DissentTorpey examined the role of intellectuals within the German Democratic Republictheir role in the Republic’s eventual collapse, as well as their aspirations for reform.